PRISM :: Browsing by Author "Keeley, James F."

Browsing by Author "Keeley, James F."

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Open Access
A Constructivist Approach to the US-Iranian Nuclear Problem
(2011) Dawson, Julian; Keeley, James F.
Open Access
A new approach to the South China Sea disputes: confronting new realities and harmonizing cooperative resource management with the creation of joint marine protected areas
(2006) von Hoesslin, Karsten; Keeley, James F.
Open Access
A plague on both our houses: Canada, the United States, and biological terrorism
(2001) Winzoski, Karen Jane; Keeley, James F.
Open Access
A Theory of world politics: an alternative approach to understanding the NIEO
(1989) Kunetzki, Alicia K.; Keeley, James F.
This thesis takes an alternative approach to understanding the South's proposal for a new international economic order (NIEO). Throughout the history of the development of the new order ideal (1955-19 8 0) , many s cho la rs and statesmen took a narrow approach to understanding the NIEO, concentrating mainly on an economic analysis of Southern proposals for changes in the international economic arena. This thesis questions such a narrow focus on the NIEO and suggests that a multi-dimensional approach is required, one that understands the NIEO as a Southern effort to replace the structure and functioning of the old order with a new one based on the political, institutional, and legal re-ordering of international relations. The evidence demonstrates that while the development of the NIEO concept as a plan for the future of world politics was unsystematic, the elements of what constitutes an order are present within the NIEO. Drawing on the declarations, resolutions, and statements and speeches of Third World leaders and representatives, this thesis arranges the variety of Southern concepts, ideals, and assumptions into a potentially coherent political construct, and outlines a theory of world politics for the NIEO. Having completed this exercise, the thesis critically assesses the viability of the new order ideal and examines some sig:nificant internal tensions in the theory. Upon analysis, the viability of the NIEO as a plan for the future of international relations, is questionable.
Open Access
Altering the ground of a culture of argument
(2007) Keeley, James F.
Open Access
America’s Alleged Intelligence Failure in the Prelude to Operation Iraqi Freedom: A Study of Analytic Factors
(2017) Cake, Timothy; Keeley, James F.; Cameron, Gavin; Ferris, John; Spangler, Jewel
In the prelude to Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), notables in the G. W. Bush administration declared Iraq to be an existential threat as it had weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and connections to transnational terrorist groups. After the 2003 invasion of that state, coalition forces engaged in a search effort that found no significant evidence of WMD. Investigatory committees subsequently judged Iraq had no WMD or terrorist group connections. This situation is broadly regarded as a failure by America’s intelligence community (IC). The initial hypotheses driving the research for this dissertation focused on four sets of factors: (1) a lack of fresh and accurate data; (2) a series of analytical and intellectual pathologies in the intelligence analysis process; (3) a dependence on scientistic, technology-driven methods of data collection and analysis; and (4) a serendipitous denial and deception (D & D) campaign mounted by Iraq’s government. However, the research undertaken did not support this initial line of argument. Instead, it suggested that the working-level members of the IC in the broad sense, correctly analyzed the Iraqi situation. The intelligence failure thus arose from other factors. These initial results pointed to factors in organizational and bureaucratic politics especially at the upper levels of the IC, in its relationship to senior levels of the G. W. Bush administration, and to channels for the assessment and movement of information that bypassed the established intelligence apparatus. Drawing on a detailed examination of the analyses and handling of claims regarding Iraqi WMD and its connections with terrorist groups, combined with considerations drawn from organizational and bureaucratic theories, the dissertation concludes (a) that there was no intelligence failure at the non-executive levels of the IC, but (b) there were distortions or suppressions of situationally-correct intelligence analytic products at the executive levels of the IC to support the policy preferences of certain G. W. Bush administration elites. In contrast to this, the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) of the State Department not only was outstandingly accurate in its assessments of the Iraqi situation but also, bolstered by its executive team, was able to resist downward-facing pressures to generate policy-palatable analytic products.
Open Access
An Arctic Nuclear Weapons Free Zone – In Search of a Security Architecture for the Arctic
(2021-06-11) MacDonald, Alexander; Huebert, Robert Neill; Keeley, James F.; Terriff, Terry
This study seeks to determine why proposals for Arctic nuclear-weapon-free zones (ANWFZ) have thus far failed to come to fruition. In reviewing and analyzing the ANWFZ proposals made by Rich and Vinograndov, Newcombe, Wilkes and Axworthy, which span a time frame of 1964 to 2012, three variables are isolated that account for these proposals’ failures. First, it is shown that proposals have failed to include serious considerations of strategic stability. In failing to fully appreciate or consider the strategic realities of the Arctic region, proposals have remained both improbable and undesirable to governments and strategic commentators. Second, and a consequence of the first, proposals have failed to consider or propose confidence-building measures (CBMs) or intermediary arms control measures which would help to create the conditions necessary to negotiate Arctic denuclearization. Third, proposals have failed to make the best arguments for how and why an ANWFZ should be established by neglecting relevant historic-legal precedents. The isolation of these three variables leads to two key contributions. First, all relevant historic-legal precedents are reviewed in relation to four key obstacles to ANWFZ realization (the inclusion of partial territory, negative security assurances, members of a collective security alliance joining a NWFZ, and the prohibition of the transit of nuclear weapons through the high seas of a NWFZ). The second contribution is the elaboration of a ‘menu’ of Arctic-specific CBMs and arms control measures. The formulation of this menu was guided by the key contention that the foundation of confidence is communication and information sharing. That is, arms control measures, to even be negotiated, must first be preceded by confidence-building measures. Arms control measures require trust, both in the negotiation and execution phase, established dialogue forums and confidence building measures provide just that. These contributions were made in an effort to fill the strategic void which the analysis of this study determined ANWFZ proposals have suffered from. It is an effort to operationalize the discovered factors of failure and to begin the work of putting the proposals in direct dialogue with related commentaries and larger discourses on Arctic security.
Open Access
Big Empty Spot: “Recognition” and India’s Nuclear Weapon Status
(Simons Centre for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation Research, 2007) Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Buying prevention: the evolution of cooperattive threat reduction from policy innovation to international regime
(2009) Kotarski, Krzystof; Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Calculating Costs: A Critical Assessment of Verification Costs for a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty
(York University, Centre for International and Security Studies, 1998) Keeley, James F.; MacLean, George
Open Access
Cast in Concrete for All Time? The Negotiation of the Auto Pact
(Cambridge University Press, 1983) Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Coding Treaties: An Example from Nuclear Cooperation
(Blackwell Publishing, 1985) Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Compliance and the Non-proliferation Treaty: developments in safeguards and supply controls
(Kluwer Law International, 1998) Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Containing the Blast: Some Problems of the Non-proliferation Regime
(St. Martin's Press Inc., 1983) Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Continuity and Japan's inaugural human security-centred foreign policy
(2006) Eves, Carol-Anne; Hara, Kimie; Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Globalization and the institutional adjustment of states: federalism as an obstacle?
(2002) Huelsemeyer, Axel; Keeley, James F.
Open Access
Grassroots NGOs, civil society and environmental politics in China
(2008) Xu, Kai; Keeley, James F.; Zhu, Yuchao
The research highlights the new phenomenon of the proliferation of non-governmental organizations in China's environmental sector over the last decade (1994-2006), comparing the interactions of NGOs and governmental authorities in the three areas of environmental education, green community construction, and anti-dam campaigns in China. The study argues that the political nature of NGO activities is a major variable that determines the overall NGO-governmental interactions in China's environmental politics, even though other socio-economic variables, including central-local distinction, horizontal agency difference and NGO resources, still matter in some cases. The study further suggests that, in order to accurately capture the new dynamics in changing state society relations in China, it is necessary to differentiate between the related non-governmental activities on the basis of their different political nature rather than to simply treat the non-governmental sector as a whole. In environmental education, NGOs have largely maintained a "harmonious" relationship with relevant governmental agencies since their educational projects are considered largely apolitical. In green community construction, NGOs have developed a somewhat cooperative but potentially challenging relationship with the state due to their mixed roles as both environmental educators and democracy advocates. In dam construction, NGOs have had a contentious relationship with the Chinese state as their anti-dam campaigns are highly sensitive in nature. The study concludes that an NGO-led environmental civil society has been able to survive and develop within a somewhat compromised authoritarian state. While this civil society is relatively independent, it has maintained a largely "harmonious" or cooperative relationship with the Chinese state. Only in limited aspects, has this civil society developed a competitive and even contentious relationship with the Chinese state, even though it has not been able to directly confront the state. However, while it is still fairly weak at this stage, the increasing politicization of NGO activities means that this civil society could have strong implications for environmental governance and future democratization of China.
Open Access
Great Power Politics Among Asante and its Neighbours in the 18th and 19th Centuries: An Offensive Realist Explanation
(2017) Yankey-Wayne, Valerie Anne; Huebert, Robert Neil; Ferris, John Robert; Hiebert, Maureen Sharon; Keeley, James F.
Pre-colonial African history has been excluded from realists’ analysis of great power politics because they consider Africa to have had no significant history of influence before the World Wars. This thesis seeks to determine whether a pre-colonial African states system was equivalent to the European model, and whether the same factors inﬂuenced security competition and the motivation to maximize military power. The thesis answers the above assertion by testing Mearsheimer’s offensive realism’s central proposition—‘maximizing military power with the ultimate aim of becoming a hegemon is the logical solution in an anarchic environment’—against the international relations of Asante and its neighbors in the 18th and 19th centuries. Although both Africanists and realists may reject the application of offensive realism to pre-colonial African history, there is evidence to suggest that this maybe a viable argument. The Asante case, just like Mearsheimer’s great power politics of Europe, was characterized by the lack of higher authority, which generated a climate of uncertainty that manifested itself through maximization of military power, formation of alliances and wars. The African polities’ drive to maximize their military power arguably made the concept of ‘balance of power’ unworkable, in the sense that almost all the polities in the system were prepared to use military power to achieve their objectives, and this made wars more frequent. In this case, whereas Asante used military aggression to aspire for hegemony, its neighbors rather used military aggression to defend their status quo, that is, their control of the trade routes. Mearsheimer’s theory was useful in explaining how structural factors such as anarchy and the distribution of military power strongly shaped the behavior of the polities of the Asante case, but it has little to say about why Asante, a revisionist state was revisionist. Furthermore, although Mearsheimer introduces the argument that nationalism, a sub-unit factor can directly influence structural factors, it may benefit realism to build on Mearsheimer’s theory by looking into non-Western ways of thinking, which incorporates non-structural factors like collective identity (glorification of the nation) and regime (personal) power into their understanding of great power politics and revisionism.
Open Access
Habitus, Field Theory and the ‘Bridge’: Using a Bourdieusian Approach to Examine and Explain Cold War Continuities in Britain’s Post-Cold War Foreign Policy
(2016) Smythe, Jason A; Terriff, Terry; Huebert, Robert; Keeley, James F.
This thesis examines the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ and the ‘bridge’ role the United Kingdom has played within it since 1945, with the British seeing it as an important part of what Tate calls the post-war Anglo-American “hegemonic division of labour.” Playing this ‘bridge’ role made sense given the logic of Cold War bipolarity, but the post-Cold War shift to unipolarity has significantly decreased the need for ‘bridges’ in the international system, yet successive post-Cold War British governments remained committed to playing this role. This paper asks why this occurred and if the British are still playing this role. By applying a Bourdieusian approach the need to examine microstructures when studying British foreign policy is revealed, with the concepts of field theory and habitus highlighting the important role the unique individual experiences and beliefs of the prime minister play in the crafting of British foreign policy.
Open Access
IAEA safeguards after Iraq
(1996) Cameron, Jason Kenneth; Keeley, James F.
While remaining a party to the NPT and a member in "good standing" in the IAEA, Iraq proved that a non-nuclear weapon state could pursue a nuclear weapons programme by co-locating undeclared nuclear activities at declared sites and by locating clandestine nuclear activities at undeclared sites. This shook the confidence of the international community in the IAEA's comprehensive safeguards system. Consequently, the IAEA embarked on the "93+2" programme with the goal of improving its ability to detect diversions of nuclear material and undeclared nuclear activities. The reform proposals, particularly the environmental sampling techniques and the proliferation critical pathways analysis, significantly strengthen its ability to detect diversions of nuclear material and to expose co-located undeclared nuclear activities. Debate amongst its member states over sovereignty and security concerns has, however, eroded the broad access and increased information provisions that would have better enabled the IAEA to expose nuclear activities at undeclared sites.